The World Bank/WBI’s CBNRM Initiative

Case Received: February 4, 1998

Authors: K.C.Malhotra, Hemam, N.S., Shashi Stanley and Anil K. Gupta

Tel.: +91 33 556 8085

Fax: +91 33 556 6680

Koraput district is the southernmost district of Orissa lying between 17^º50^" and 20^º 3^" North latitude and 81^º 27^" and 84^º1^" East longitude, covering an area of 27,020 sq.kms (Figure 1). It is bounded on the North by Kalahandi district of Orissa and Raipur district of Madhya Pradesh; on the south by the districts of East Godavari and Visakhapatanam of Andhra Pradesh; on the East by Srikakulam of Andhra Pradesh and Ganjam district of Orissa; and on the West by Bastar district of Madhya Pradesh. The topography consists of high land plateau with a number of hills and hillocks forming part of the Eastern ghat, on an average height of 300 to 3000 ft above mean sea level (MSL). The whole area is drained by five major rivers namely Vansadhara, Nagavali, Indravati, Kolab and Mackanad and several tributaries and small perennial streams. The average annual rainfall in the district ranges between 1200-1400 mm.

The total population of the district according to 1981 census is 24,67,329 persons with a population density of 97/km². The district has the highest population growth in the state. Koraput is primarily a tribal district; more than 70% of the total population comprises of scheduled tribes. There are as many as 52 tribal groups in this district. Some of the numerically large tribes in the district are Khond, Bhatada, Paroja, Bhumia, Bondas, etc (Table 1). Their chief occupation is cultivation. Many of the tribal groups are still continuing with poddu (shifting) cultivation. Although the district is endowed with rich natural resources, the tribes live in abject poverty.

According to Champion and Seth (1963) forest of Koraput can be divided into three major types: Northern Tropical Semi-evergreen, Northern Tropical Moist Deciduous and Southern Tropical Dry Deciduous. The forest was very rich in Sal, Peasal, Teak, Sisoo, Baja, Mohul, Bamboo, etc. However, during the last few decades, there has been rapid increase in deforestation rate leading to large scale degradation of forests. In 1960 the district had more than 65% of the total area under forest cover but in 1990 it has come down to less than 30%.

According to Champion and Seth (1963) forest of Koraput can be divided into three major types: Northern Tropical Semi-evergreen, Northern Tropical Moist Deciduous and Southern Tropical Dry Deciduous. The forest was very rich in Sal, Peasal, Teak, Sisoo, Baja, Mohul, Bamboo, etc. However, during the last few decades, there has been rapid increase in deforestation rate leading to large scale degradation of forests. In 1960 the district had more than 65% of the total area under forest cover but in 1990 it has come down to less than 30%.

Large scale commercial exploitation of forest in the district seemed to have started in early part of this century. For instance, the Sal forests of Kotpad, Nowrangapur, Ramgiri, Malkangiri and Umarkot ranges were leased out to Ms. H .Deas & Co. in 1917 for 20 years to collect timber for railway sleepers. In early thirties, many forest based industries (paper mills, plywood mils, etc.) came up in and around the district. The forests of Malkangiri, Mottu and Ranjis were leased out to Ms. Mottu Industries in 1937 for 22 years. Similarly, the forest of Bisar-Cuttack and Gudari were also leased to Ms. B.T.T. for exploitation of Sal trees. After independence, various development projects, industries, and mining operations have also come up in the district.

All these have led to submergence of large forest and cultivable land, encroachment on forest land for mining and other purposes, large scale displacement of tribes, etc. Besides, there is large scale practice of shifting cultivation by tribes which also contributes to degradation of forest. Thus, the latest available forest survey report of 1993 shows that only 27.1% of the total area is under forest cover (FSI 1993). That means that during the last three decades more than 10,000 sq. kms (>60%) of forest has been lost. What is more alarming is that more than 57% of the remaining forest is open (degraded) forest (Table 2).

Source: FSI 1993

Amidst this large scale destruction and rapidly dwindling forest cover in the Koraput district, it is highly noteworthy that in a large number of villages, the local communities have initiated the process of protection of degraded forest patches and allowed them to regenerate. This process of community initiated protection and management of degraded forestlands started since early seventies. One can see amidst vast degraded landscape, luxuriant tree growth. In addition, a large number of sacred groves in their primeval form are seen distributed throughout the Koraput district.

The district, as noted above, went through the process of rampant deforestation beginning from early part of this century. It is also noted that in many villages community initiated forest protection and management systems have been initiated. The exact number of such villages and the total area being protected and managed is not known or documented, it can be safely inferred that the phenomenon is fairly widespread and in a substantial area of earlier degraded forestland biodiversity has been restituted.

This fascinating scenario has prompted us to study and document community initiated forest protection and management systems in 220 villages of Semiliguda Block of Koraput district in Orissa. In all the villages where such initiatives have been undertaken, basic information will be gathered in terms of ethnic composition of village, population size, area protected and management practices, etc. In addition, several detailed case studies capturing different forms of management practices will be carried out. The main criterion in selecting villages for case studies was that the protection and management was entirely community initiated without any help from the forest department and other government agencies or NGOs. The objectives of the study were:

• to understand what motivates people to initiate on their own protection of degraded forest lands;
• under what circumstances people come together and start a collective action;
• the structure of the evolved informal forest protection and management institution;
• the management practices (rules and regulations) including protection and use of biomass resources, conflict resolution, nature of fines and punishment etc; and
• what lessons can be learned from such initiatives in the broader context of the present policies related to forest management in the country.

We report here first case study carried out in the Gullel village.

The Gullel village lies in the North-West of Similiguda town, about 12 kms. away along the Chatwa road (Figure 2). From this main road, a kutcha motorable road of about 2 kms. long connects the village. The village comes under Pottangi Tahsil of Similiguda Block, Koraput District, Orissa. The total geographical area of the village is about 10 km². The south-western side of the village is bounded by Pakhondhara river and a small hill range, running from East to South-West direction, forms the North-eastern boundary. The settlement site is situated on the higher slopes of the eastern hill range. The village has also one hamlet of about 11 households called Kedikuda, which is situated near the southern boundary of the village.

The topography of the village consists of undulating surface of high hills and flat river valley. The whole area can be divided into five zones. Each of these zones have different soil type and utilisation pattern (Figure 3). The western most part of the village is covered by a narrow strip of low lying river plain of fertile Potu (rem) mati (river site soil) soil type. Earlier villagers used to cultivate paddy in this area. But, since the construction of Upper Kolap Reservoir in 1978, this fertile area of about 200-250 acres has been submerged. Above this submerged river valley is a small narrow flat land of Bali mati (sandy soil) where they make home garden and other cultivation fields. The settlement site lies on the higher slope of the hill range and is mainly of Kalia mati (black soil), just above the home garden. In between the settlement site and the hill range there lies a long narrow strip of dry land fields of Gori mati (hard and stony soil) and Rangia mati. Beyond this is the high hill range with regenerating forest forming the North-eastern boundary of the village. The whole forest area is mainly of Kalia mati (black soil).

The village enjoys reasonably good rainfall spread over 6 months. Monsoon season starts as early as April and continues up to October. The maximum rainfall occur during August and September. The other source of water is Pakhondhara river and a small perennial stream running from east to west meandering through the paddy fields. It finally opens to the Pakhondhara river.

There are five ethnic groups in the village; three of them (Konda Dora, Nauka Dora and Proja) belong to Schedule Tribe (ST) and remaining two belong to Hindu caste population (Brhmin and Sundi) (Table 3). The Konda doras were the first settlers of this village. In the beginning they used to shift their settlement site whenever there was any misfortune or epidemic in the village. The present site is their 5th change. They have been settled here for the last five generations. Earlier they had settled near the village sacred groove of Ganga maa, which is located half a kilometre away from the present site. In due course of time, other groups also came and settled in the village. A brahmin family being the last of the immigrants who came to the village some 5-6 years ago. Such immigration of people from other villages and natural increment of their own population led to gradual increase in population. About 20 years ago some of the households were shifted to another site and form the Kediguda hamlet.

The total population of the village is about 252 persons spread into 52 households (HHs). Proja population consists of about 80% of the total population (Table 3). Even though their houses are clustered in small area, there is settlement segregation based on ethnicity. The Projas occupy the western side of the village road while the remaining four groups are settled in the eastern side. The Kondas and Naukas have their own houses clustered in separate areas.

The main livestock found in the village are cattle, buffalo, goat, sheep, dog and fowl. There are about 96 cows and buffaloes and 45 goats and sheep. Grazing is mainly done inside the forest and on fallow cultivation fields. There is a shepherd in the village who takes care of grazing of the whole village livestock. In return for his services, he is given daily two free meals by those households who own livestock.

The main occupation of the villagers is cultivation. They practice both wet and dry land cultivation. Besides, they also plant vegetables and other fruit bearing trees in home gardens. Those not having wet land for cultivation do dry land cultivation on the lower slope of the hill range and also tenant farming. Earlier, they used to practice shifting cultivation on the hill slopes but it has been stopped since 1984. During off season some people also work as labourers in and around the village.

The main crops grown are rice, ragi, niger, millets, maize and many varieties of vegetables in different seasons. They sell some of the vegetables (Brinjal, Chili, Potato, Tomato, Beans, Peas, Lady finger, Bitter guard, Pumpkin), oilseeds and the surplus cereals or millets. However, most of the households do not produce sufficient food. They purchase rice from outside mainly from Government depot of public distribution system (PDS).

There are only about 15 households who have patta cultivation lands in the village. The other cultivable lands, though owned individually, are not patta lands. Those who cultivate in open wasteland need to pay some amount (Rs 60-70/annum) to the revenue department for using the land; abut 9 households are paying to the Revenue Department. They have been promised permanent pattas if they continue to pay the tax for about 10 years. Some of them also cultivate on the hill slopes, just below the protected forest area where there are no trees. However, they do not have permanent ownership for such fields.

Their most fertile land (river valley) has been submerged by the Upper Kolab Dam. The river valley is lying submerged for the last 20 years. More than 200 acres of land have been lost. Villagers have been compensated for on a lump sum basis by the Government for their lost land. For instance, in one case, a family got Rs 31,700/- for their 18 acres of land but another family got only Rs 3000/- for their 3 acres of land.

The whole forest area (hill range) officially belongs to the Forest department. However, the villagers have usufruct right over these lands. There is no permanent or individual ownership of forest land or trees grown there. The eastern side of the hill range belongs to the Pitiguda village. There is no clear cut demarcation line between the two forest areas belonging to these two villages.

Majority of the households have brick walls with varying roof type like grass, tile and asbestos sheets (given under the Indira Housing Scheme of Government). The houses are mainly of single or double rooms with a very low roof. No ventilation or windows are made and have a single door in front. Goats and sheep are either kept inside the house or in the veranda. None of the households had toilet.

They have a small well and a hand pump for drinking water and for other household use. The village has only a primary school. However, there are no students nor a teacher and only the school building remains there. The village is receiving some benefit from Indira Housing Scheme (five households) and Integrated Child Development Program (ICDP) of the Government for the last few years.

The traditional village Naik (headman) still occupies an important place in the village. His post is hereditary and his eldest son inherits after his death or retirement. He looks after all the social and political affairs of the village. He is assisted by the village Challan (messenger). The Challan delivers messages to all villagers for any occasion or important announcement. They also have a village Poojari (priest) who performs poojas on all religious and social occasions. The traditional health practitioner (Gunia) and birth attendant (Bomili Dokri) are still active in the village. Besides these traditional functionaries, they also have a ward/panchayat member from the village. He is the main person who communicates between the village and the government officials for development and other activities in the village.

Women do not play any active role in any of the political or social activities. They do not attend nor are invited in any of the village meetings. However, they are free to raise their own grievances or opinions if they so desire.

The forest area (hill range) covers more than two third of the total geographical area of the village. The total forest area is about 7-8 km². As mentioned earlier, the whole area is collectively controlled by the village. There is no private ownership of forest land or trees in the forest. Depending upon the nature of natural vegetation or distinct feature of the area, there are different names for different peaks or sites in the forest. For instance, the forest site where there is good growth of thatched grass is called Dab-Badi Khal. Similarly, they have different names for different forest sites or peaks like Tiram Khal, Pendom Damak, Pipal Khal, Raulikud, Kasam Kalka, Suan Badi, Kada Kanda, Padai Kanda, Tentuli Kanda, etc. The whole forest is a regenerating forest of about 15 years old. Some of the important trees which have grown in this forest are Sal, Mango, Dumri, Podo, Biza, Swanigi, etc. Many medicinal plants, roots , fruit trees and creepers (like siari) are also found in the forest. Besides, there are many wild animals (Beer, Tiger, Leopard, Deer, Rabbits, etc) and birds (pea cock, wild fowls, etc.) seen in the forest. A list of major plants and animals which are found in the forest is given in Appendix-1.

In the past (prior to 1960) there used to be a very dense vegetation covering the whole forest area. The subsistence needs of the villagers such as timber, fuelwood, fodder, roots, medicinal plants, fruits and other requirements were met from the forest. There was no individual or community ownership and control over utilization of forest produce. Every villager had free access to all the forest resources. One could collect whatever items and quantities he wanted or make shifting cultivation fields. Even villagers from other areas were given free access to the forest produce. During that time with a small population and no commercial exploitation, the forest provided sufficient materials for their own subsistence needs.

The deforestation process in the village started in early sixties. The beginning of deforestation in the area coincided with the opening of major industrial projects in nearby areas. The HAL (Hindustan Aeronautics Limited) project started in 1961 in a nearby place, about 14 kms. away from the village. Around that time there was a sudden increase in demand of timber, fuelwood and charcoal. To make some quick money, villagers started selling off their trees and making of charcoal. Many outsiders (contractors) also came and started collecting timber in a large scale. Villagers could not stop them as they claimed to have had permission from the Government. This onslaught from both villagers and contractors lasted for about 10 years or so. Many brick kilns also came up in the area around that time. Forests in the surrounding villages were the main source of fuelwood for the brick kilns.

This large scale commercial extraction along with the continuation of the practice of shifting cultivation in the forest lands led to complete deforestation in the area by late seventies. The problem was compounded with the submergence of the most fertile land by Upper Kolab Reservoir in 1978. After the submersion, many of the villagers became landless and had to encroach on more forestland for cultivation. This encroachment along with increasing population the fallow cycle of shifting cultivation was considerably reduced. This accentuated the degradation process further.

Earlier there used to be lot of bamboo grown in the village. After the exhaustion of forest, they started cutting bamboo for fuelwood as well as for construction purposes. This ultimately led to exhaustion of bamboo from the village. The only remaining trees were those in the village sacred grove of Gangamaa. This is small grove of about 100 sq.m. Cutting of live trees or branches or removal of even dead braches in the groves is strictly prohibited. However, collection of fruit or medicinal plants are allowed.

After the exhaustion of their forest in late seventies the villagers had to face lot of problem of finding fuelwood, timber and other subsistence requirements for many years. Since there was no tree left in the forest, they dug out even roots of dead trees for fuel. Finally, they started going to forests of other nearby villages in the surrounding areas. They used go to the forest of Kulap Gongar village which is situated about 5 kms. away for collection of fuelwood, household construction materials, and other non-timber forest produce (NTFPs). In the beginning they were allowed to collect without giving any royalty/payment to the host village. The forests of Kulap Gongar village also got degraded as many other villagers from other areas also started collecting biomass from the forest.

The people of Kulap Gongar village soon realized that unless restrictions of access to outside villagers including Gullel were imposed, their forests will soon become totally denuded. Thus, outsiders were no longer allowed to collect fuelwood or any other item from their forest. However, as the Gullel villagers had no other source, they continued to go there and collect fuelwood illegally. Many times they were caught, their weapons confiscated, fined and abused by the Kulap Gongar villagers. Often there personal belongings (like women’s ornaments) were even robbed on the way. This led to a series of quarrels and conflicts between the two villages.

In the midst of constant harassment and humiliation by other villagers and the physical hardship of walking more than 5 kms. with full headload, they decided to start protection of their own forest which was lying completely degraded. But there was one problem. The forests of Gullel and Pitiguda village are contiguous with no clear cut boundary. The Pitiguda village also had similar forest condition at that time. Therefore, they felt that unless the Pitiguda villagers were involved, protection of forest would be impossible.

The Naik of Gullel village organized a meeting involving villagers of both villages to discuss the problem faced by them in the procurement of needed biomass, especially fuelwood in 1982. In that meeting they discussed about the hardship of walking a long distance and constant harassment faced by their people in the hands of other villagers. To avoid such hardship and humiliation from others, they agreed to start protection of their own respective forests; the Gullel will take care of protection of their own side i.e., the western side and the Pitiguda will take care of the eastern side. Although there was no written agreement between the two villages, the villagers resolved to maintain the following norms and regulations:

• No one should cut any live tree for fuelwood. Only dead wood or branches or fallen trees are allowed to be collected.
• For house construction or for making agriculture implements one can collect his required materials with permission from the villagers.
• Villagers should restrict collection of forest material within their own forest area.
• Cutting of fruit bearing trees and other important trees (like sal), bamboo, and Siari (creeper) are not allowed. Even collection of bamboo shoot and fruits of some trees are not allowed.
• One should not remove any regenerating plant saplings.
• Other villagers from nearby area will be allowed to collect leaves for making rain-coat and for other religious and social functions. However, they will not be allowed to do so during May and June, which is the peak rainy season. This time they also need to collect leaves for their own use.
• One should not make paddy field inside the protected site. Concessions were given to let some of the landless families to cultivate on the lower slopes where there was no tree growth.
• One cannot collect anything from forest for commercial purposes.
• Violator of the above norms will be punished accordingly (imposition of fine). Fines collected shall be utilized for common village purpose.
• In case of any dispute between the two villages the matter shall be sorted out in a common village meeting.

In order to maintain the above norms, they felt the need of some one to look after the maintenance of the forest permanently.

• Two forest guards (one from each village) were, therefore, selected to look after the forest.
• The tenure was for one year but extendible if the guards discharged their duties satisfactorily.
• A guard will get 3 kgs of rice, raggi, and niger each (total 9 kgs of grains) in different seasons or equivalent cash annually from every household of the village. However, those households who do not want to collect anything from the forest need not pay this amount.
• The guard will roam around the forest from morning to evening to see any illegal felling of trees or entry of any outside villagers. He was authorised to confiscate the trees and the weapon and hand it over to the village Naik.
• If someone is caught violating the said rule(s), the guard has to inform the villagers and immediately convene a meeting to discuss the matter. The penalty varied from a mere Rs 5/ - to several hundreds, depending upon the quantity of wood gathered and response of the individual.
• If the forest guard is found wanting in his duty or indulgence in illegal activities he may be dismissed by the villagers. In the month of January every year they have a village meeting to discuss three important matters: selection of forest guard; selection of village shepherd; and wage rate. If the villagers feel that the incumbent is doing his duty satisfactorily he may be given an extension or else he may be relieved from the post.
• Besides, all villagers also keep an eye on the forest guard as well as on the forest.

As mentioned earlier, there is no clear cut forest boundary between these two villages. Therefore, at times, there were confusion and conflicting claims of ownership of trees and even wild animals between the two villages, leading to serious problem. In general, such cases of encroachment or violation of common norms are settled in a common village meeting between the two villages.

One of the main factors which restraint villagers from cutting trees on the other side is the fear of retaliation. If they cut trees from Pittiguda side one day it is likely that Pittiguda villagers will cut from their side the day after. Since all villagers know every inch of the forest area and many of them go to forest every day for collection of fuelwood or other items, they could easily identify any new cutting of tree in the area. Such infringement sometimes may lead to a conflict between the two villages. To avoid such conflicts they restraint themselves. Moreover, even if someone had cut a tree from the other side still he/she has to give explanation to his own villagers as cutting of tree without prior permission is not allowed. Besides, instead of taking all the trouble one can easily get permission from his own village and cut from their own forest area. The problem comes when one is looking for a particular type of tree which is not available in their forest. For instance, for making a plough a special type of tree is required with a particular shape, which is not readily available.

Around four years back there was a dispute between the two villages regarding illegal felling of trees. Some villagers of Gullel seemed to have felled some trees in the adjoining area of the two forests. The Pitiguda villagers thought those trees belonged to them. Therefore, in retaliation, they stole a goat from Gullel village the same night. By the time Gullel villagers found out the theft, the goat was already killed and shared amongst the Pttiguda villagers. The matter could not be resolved at village level. This led to filing of a case to the Police by Gullel villagers. After hearing stories from both sides, Police made a compromise solution between them. Since it was the Gullel villagers who violated the rule, they had to loose the goat. Finally, both sides ended up paying some money to the Police.

In another incident, at the time of annual communal hunting, Gullel villagers caught a peacock which they chased all the way from the forest to another village. The Pittiguda villagers came and asked them to return the peacock as it was believed to have come out of their forest. However, they could not substantiate their claim and had to give up after a brief argument.

The strict vigil of the forest guard was not sufficient enough to protect illegal felling of trees for fuelwood by not only their own villagers but also others coming from surrounding villages. Still many villagers come from outside during dry season crossing the Pakhondhara river to collect fuelwood and leaves. Even their own villagers started ignoring the forest guard and collected without permission. This finally led to deterioration of forest condition. This prompted them to form a new five member forest committee called "Jungle Surakhya Sangh" in 1994. In order to have proper representation of the whole village they selected one individual from each community. If there is no willing person in any of the groups, a person from another group may join as replacement.

The main task of this new Sangh is to strengthen the hand of forest guard as well as take responsibility of other forest related matters. At the same time, they will also keep an eye on the forest guard. It seems the present forest guard seemed to have indulged in illegal selling of trees or allowing people to cut in exchange of liquor or money. Till now villagers have not been able to catch him. Therefore, the forest committee have decided to keep an eye on the activities of the present forest guard. At present two members of the Sangh have been chosen to look over the guard. For the last 2-3 months these two persons have been observing the activities of guard.

Once in a neighboring village they saw a new plough. They suspected it to be made from their forest wood. Then the whole village went there and seized the plough. The person also admitted that the wood came from their forest and the guard took some money in return. However, the guard denied the allegation. This put them in a dilemma. They very well know that the guard is occasionally selling trees to neighboring villagers but there is no concrete evidence to prove the charge. So, they are waiting for the next January meeting to come to dismiss the guard from his duty. They are even contemplating not to give or atleast reduced the amount of grain which shall be given to the guard.

Before the formation of the Sangh people used to do some dry land farming on the highre slopes. But, after the formation of the Sangh, this practice has been stopped. However, some of the landless villagers are allowed to do so on lower slopes where there are no trees.

Now this Sangh is playing an active role in the management of their forest. They even communicate with Government official or Forest Department (FD) with the help of village Naik, ward member, etc. Last year the Forest Department called a meeting involving both Gullel and Pittiguda villagers to discuss matters related to their protected forest. The FD wanted to take over the forest by compensating the villagers. The FD offered a sum of Rs 70,000/- and a mike set each to both the villages as a reward for protecting their forest. However, the villagers readily declined the offer. They felt that once the FD came in, the villagers will loose control over the forest and forest produce. Since they do not have any other forest area, they will have problem of getting fuelwood, timber and other NTFPs requirements.

From the forgone description it is evident that the institutional structure set up for the protection and management of the forests by the villagers of Gullel have undergone substantial changes during the last two decades. We have tried to portray these changes schematically in Figure 4.

To sum up, we record here below the major events chronologically that led to the emergence and evolution of community initiated and managed forest system:

• Till 1960 there was very low population density with good forest cover. There was no shortage of land nor forest products. Every one had free access to the forest.
• Commercial exploitation of forest started in early sixties with opening of major industrial projects like HAL and establishment of many brick kilns in the surroundings.
• In 1978 the low lying fertile land got submerged due to Upper Kolab Dam.
• There was serious shortage of agricultural land, fuelwood and construction materials in mid seventies. The villagers had to encroach forest land for agriculture and go to far away villages to collect fuelwood and timber.
• In late seventies the whole area got completely deforested. They had to go to far away villages for collection of fuelwood and timber.
• The villagers had to face physical hardship, lot of verbal abuses and conflicts with other villages.
• In 1982 the first joint meeting of Gullel and Pitiguda village for forest protection was held. In that meeting they resolved to start protection of their own village forests.
• One guard from each village was selected to look after their respective forests.
• The forest condition got deteriorated as people disobeyed the forest guard and collected forest produce on their own.
• In 1994 a five member forest committee called "Jungle Surakhya Sangh" was formed to strengthen the forest guard and to have better management of the forest.
• Again in 1996 they appointed two members of the Sangha as observers to monitor the functioning of the forest guard.